At the tempestuous moment of the military hunt for Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the now outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra, a certain section of the media had mused on the coincidence in the timing of the occurrence. They wondered why the onslaught on the IPOB happened in 2017, whereas the Biafra civil war also broke out in 1967, exactly 50 years ago.
While some chose to read esoteric meanings to it, others, not by any means amused, perceived the foreboding of history trying to repeat itself.
On October 1, 1960, Nigeria had attained its independence. The Union Jack was lowered for good, and the green-white-green Nigerian flag was hoisted to the pride and exceeding delight of all nationals.
For nationalists who fought to attain that independence, as well as the entire political leaders gathered at what has now become Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos, it was a defining moment. According to those who witnessed the colourful ceremony, all had hoped that after the departure of the British overlords, a self-rule would naturally usher in an era of genuine self-development and national growth.
But barely six years into independence, the country’s nascent democracy, tailored after the British parliamentary system, soon dissolved into a chaotic situation that was soon followed by a military coup. That coup, executed principally by the trio of Majors Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Adewale Ademoyega, all young military officers, was soon hijacked by the military’s top echelon, a scenario that brought Major-General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi as Nigeria’s first military ruler.
The disruption of civil rule by Nzeogwu and co, was no more than a ‘festival’ of blood-letting as political leaders such as Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, the Northern Nigeria Premier, Ahmadu Bello; his counterpart in Western Nigeria, Ladoke Akintola; the Minister of Finance, Festus Okotie-Eboh, and a senior army officer, Brigadier Mai Mailari, were killed by the coup plotters.
The civil war that was to take place a year after the bloody coup and which lasted for tortuous three years, had been predated by a counter-coup, also in 1966, hatched mainly by military officers believed to be on a revenge mission. In that coup, Aguiyi-Ironsi, the head of state, and the Western State Governor, Lt-Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, were also felled.
Then, Lt-Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the Eastern State Governor, afterwards challenged Brigadier Yakubu Gowon (as he then was) over issues bothering on military and civil rights, which the two leaders failed to resolve, until Odumegwu-Ojukwu eventually seceded his domain from Nigeria, declaring it and adjourning territories as the Republic of Biafra.
After Nigeria was re-united, following the end of the Biafra civil war in 1970, a lot of waters had passed under the bridge, as the saying goes. So many developments had been witnessed, thanks to the oil boom era that lasted from the 70s, through the 80s, to the 90s and still counting in this 21st Century.
Nigeria, during the first era of military rule (from 1966 to ’78) eventually resolved to dump the parliamentary system for the American-style presidential system of government, which gave birth to the Second Republic, under President Shehu Shagari. But the military soon returned after four years in democracy, as they were apparently encouraged to so do, by ensuing civil disorder, particularly in the old Ondo State, where lives were lost and several properties put to the torch by aggrieved politicians in a governorship election.
The military, in returning in 1984, did not release power until 1999. First to rule was the incumbent President, Muhammadu Buhari, who was later toppled by General Ibrahim Babangida – the man who annulled the 1993 presidential election, believed to have been won by late Chief MKO Abiola.
While space would not permit a wholesome narration of Nigeria’s chequered history, it is apposite reminding all of the foreboding of allowing the country to relapse to its ugly past of coup plotting, civil war and political violence. Ongoing secession agitation that recently led to a frightening clash between the military and the IPOB agitators, could have been better managed if only Nigerians would take a good look at the country’s past.
The civil war, as agreed by re-collectors, led to the killings of over two million Nigerians, mostly the Igbo.
Besides, a disintegrated Nigeria is not likely to blow any good wind in a global community that has come to see more values and economic prosperity in large population and regional integration. Nigeria, as the biggest black nation, is thus the cynosure of all eyes.
A disintegrated Nigeria is not likely to blow any good wind in a global community that has come to see more values and economic prosperity in large population and regional integration. Nigeria, as the biggest black nation, is thus the cynosure of all eyes
Agitations for restructuring, coming from the country’s different ethnic nationalities, should not be shrugged off either, by the President Muhammadu Buhari administration. Instead, the government should seek ways of finding a middle-ground in harmonising such demands and ensuring that Nigeria remains a united country.
That the country’s economy has seen better days cannot be divorced from persisting atmosphere of insecurity, which naturally scared many investors; no thanks to the gale of insurgency in the North, militancy in the South-South, kidnapping everywhere, robberies, and other criminal activities.
Corruption too, has remained the blight of the country, stifling its growth and making critics to mock Nigeria, being the giant of Africa, calling it, ‘the giant with the feet of clay.’
All these, the administration of President Buhari, and others in positions of authorities, should ponder on, as Nigeria
turns 57.
